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Petitioners in these cases consist of representatives of the mass media which are prevented from selling or donating space and time for political advertisements; two 2 individuals who are candidates for office one for national and the other for provincial office in the coming May elections; and taxpayers and voters who claim that their right to be informed of election issues and of credentials of the candidates is being curtailed. As an individual particle of sovereignty, to use Justice Laurel's words, every citizen has a right to Prostitutes Molave his opinion and suggestions in Prostitutes Molave discussion of the problems confronting the community or the nation. Media practitioners exercising their freedom of expression during plebiscite periods are neither the franchise holders nor the candidates.

No pronouncement as to costs. Narvasa, C. I fully concur with the majority opinion. I wish, however, to express my thoughts on some material points. The constitutional issue raised in these cases must be decided in the light of the provisions of our own Constitution and not on orthodox principles Prostitutes Molave classical definitions of certain rights which have, in the course of time Prostitutes Molave as a result of the interplay of societal forces requiring the balancing of interests and values, been unchained from their absolutist moorings.

It is now settled that the freedom of speech and of the press, or of expression, which the Bill of Rights guarantees, is not an absolute right. Indeed, even in American jurisprudence, the overwhelming weight of authority maintains that "the right or privilege of free speech Prostitutes Molave publication, guaranteed by Prostitutes Molave Constitutions of the United States and of the several states, has its limitations; the right is not absolute at all times and under all circumstances, although limitations are recognized only in exceptional cases.

Freedom of speech does not comprehend the right to speak whenever, however, and wherever one pleases, and the manner, and place, or time of public discussion can be Prostitutes Molave controlled. The foregoing rule proceeds from the principle that every right or freedom carries with it the correlative duty to exercise it responsibly and with due regard for the right and freedoms of others.

In short, freedom is not freedom from responsibility, but with responsibility. I respectfully submit that there can be no higher form of limitation to a right than Prostitutes Molave the Constitution itself authorizes.

On this, both the lettered and the unlettered cannot quarrel. In respect to freedom of speech or expression and Prostitutes Molave the press vis-a-vis the electoral process, the present Constitution lays downs certain principles authorizing allowable restraints thereon.

I refer to the. Declaration of Principle and other Policies which reads:. The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public serviceand prohibit Prostitutes Molave dynasties as may be defined by law. The congress shall give highiest priority to the enactment of measures that protect and enhance the right Prostitutes Molave all the people to human dignity, reduce social, economic, and political inequalities, and remove cultural inequities by equitably diffusing wealth and political power for the common good.

The Commission may, during the election period, supervise or regulate Prostitutes Molave enjoyment or utilization of all franchises or permits for the operation of transportation and other public utilities, media of communication or information, all grants, special privileges, or concessions granted by the government or any subdivision, agency, or instrumentality thereof, including any government-owned or controlled corporation or its subsidiary.

There can be Prostitutes Molave doubt that the first two 2 provisions Prostitutes Molave measures that would bridge the gap between the rich and the poor in our society. In the past, the equilibrium sought to be achieved was only in the economic and social fields.

Thus, before the advent Prostitutes Molave the Constitution, social justice was defined as:. Social Justice is "neither communism, nor despotism, nor atomism, Prostitutes Molave anarchy," but the humanization of laws and the equalization of social and economic forces by the State so that justice in its rational and objectively secular conception may at least be approximated. Social justice means the promotion of the welfare of all the people, the adoption by the Government of measures calculated to insure economic stability of all the competent elements of society, through the maintenance of a proper economic and social equilibrium in the interrelations of the members of the community, constitutionally, through the adoption of measures legally justifiable, or extra-constitutionally, through the exercise of powers underlying the existence of all governments on the time-honored Prostitutes Molave of salus populi est suprema lex.

Prostitutes Molave justice, therefore, must be founded on the recognition of the necessity of interdependence among divers and diverse units of a society and of the protection that should be equally and evenly extended to all groups as a combined force in our social and Prostitutes Molave life, consistent with the fundamental and paramount objective of the state of promoting the health, comfort, and quiet of all persons, and of bringing about "the greatest good to the greatest number.

Aware of the lamentable fact that in the Philippines, no gap between these two unavoidable extremes of society is more pronounced than in the field of politics, and ever mindful of the dire consequences thereof, the framers of the present Constitution Prostitutes Molave it fit to diffuse political power in the social justice provisions.

Ours has Prostitutes Molave a politics of the elite, the rich, the powerful and Prostitutes Molave pedigreed. The victory of Prostitutes Molave poor candidate in an election is almost always Prostitutes Molave exception. Arrayed against the vast resources of a wealthy opponent, the former, even if he is the most qualified and competent, does not stand a fighting chance.

Of course, Prostitutes Molave have been isolated instances — but yet so few and far between — when poor candidates made it. Forgetting first the evil use of gold, guns and goons which only the rich have Prostitutes Molave to, and focusing strictly on the legitimate aspect of the electoral struggle, propaganda, through the various forms of media, provides the most sophisticated and effective means of reaching the electorate and convincing voters to vote for a particular candidate.

It is Prostitutes Molave this area, particularly in the use of television, Prostitutes Molave and newspaper, that a poor candidate will not be able to compete with his opulent opponents who have all the resources to buy Prostitutes Molave television and radio time and full pages of leading newspapers.

With radio and television propaganda, the wealthy candidates, even as they leisurely relax in their homes, offices or hotel suites, can reach every nook and cranny of their municipality, city, province, district or even the entire Philippines and be seen or heard at any time of the day and night. During the contracted hours, their paid hacks can concentrate on dishonoring the poor and hapless opponent by hurling innuendoes of defects or vice. With Prostitutes Molave advertisements, the wealthy candidates can reach thousands of readers daily.

A worse scenario obtains where the rich candidates themselves fully or substantially own or operate a television or radio station, or publish newspapers. On the other hand, to a poor candidate, the campaign period would sadly prove to be insufficient for him to campaign in every barangay, even if he is running for a municipal position. Thus, not only would he already be at a disadvantage insofar as visibility and presentation Prostitutes Molave his issues or program Prostitutes Molave government are concerned, he would have no opportunity to rebut whatever lies his opponents may spread nor the chance to clear himself of false Prostitutes Molave.

Prostitutes Molave latter Prostitutes Molave best evidenced by the provision challenged in this case, Section 11 bwhich reads:. Section Prohibited forms of election propaganda. Any mass media Prostitutes Molave, commentator, announcement sic or personality who is a candidate for any elective public office shall take a leave of absence from his work as such during the campaign period. This provision, understood in the light of Section 4, Article IX-C of the Constitution, is a reasonable regulation enacted to accomplish the desired objectives and purposes earlier mentioned.

It neither constitutes Prostitutes Molave abridgment of the freedom of expression nor prohibits free speech; it merely provides the rules as to the manner, time and place for its exercise during Prostitutes Molave very limited period. Prostitutes Molave makes reference to Sections 90 and 92 of Batas Pambansa Blg. It is now constitutional pursuant to the clear mandate of Section 4 of Article IX-C, which is quoted above. This constitutional grant removes whatever doubt one may have on the Prostitutes Molave verdict of this Court in Badoy vs.

Ferrer, et al. Prostitutes Molave Commission on Elections shall endeavor to obtain free space from Prostitutes Molave, magazines and periodicals which shall be known as Prostitutes Molave space, and shall allocate this space Prostitutes Molave and impartially among all candidates within the area in which the newspapers are circulated. Outside of said Comelec space, it shall be unlawful to print or publish, or cause to be printed or published, any advertisement, paid comment or paid article in furtherance of or in opposition to the candidacy of any person for delegate, or mentioning the name of any candidate Prostitutes Molave the fact of his candidacy, unless all the names of all other candidates in the district in which the candidate is running are also mentioned with equal prominence.

Against the background of such facilities accorded by the law for all candidates, rich and poor alike, and the prohibitions as well as penal sanctions to insure the sanctity of the ballot against desecration and the equality or chances among the candidates, the restriction on the freedom Prostitutes Molave expression of the candidate or any other individual prescribed in par. F of Sec. Hence, consistent with out opinion expressed in the cases of Imbong vs.

Comelec and Gonzales vs. Comelec [35 SCRA 28], this Prostitutes Molave limitation of the freedom of expression of the individual, whether candidate or not, as expressed in par. F Sec. The fears and apprehensions of petitioner concerning his liberty of expression in these two cases, applying the less stringent balancing -of-interests criterion, are far outweighed by the all important substantive interests of the State Prostitutes Molave preserve the purity of the ballot and to render more meaningful and real the guarantee of the equal protection of the laws.

In the fairly recent case of Sanidad vs. Commission on Elections, 5 this Court sustained, in effect, the validity of Section 11 b of R. However, it is clear from Act. IX-C of the Constitution that what was granted to the Comelec was the power to supervise and regulate the use and enjoyment of franchises, permits or other grants issued for the Prostitutes Molave of transportation or other public utilities, media of communication or information to the end that equal opportunity, time and space, and the Prostitutes Molave to reply, including reasonable, equal rates therefor, for public information campaigns and forums among candidates are ensured.

The evil sought to be prevented by this provision is the possibility that a franchise holder may favor or give any undue advantage to a candidate in terms of advertising space or radio or television time. This is also the reason why a columnist, commentator, announcer or personality, who is a candidate for any elective office is required to take a leave of absence from his work during the campaign period 2nd par.

Section 11 b R. It cannot be gainsaid that a columnist or commentator who is also a candidate would be more exposed to the voters to the prejudice of other candidates unless required to take a leave of absence. In fact, there are no candidates involved in a plebiscite. In the case of Badoy, Jr. ComelecL, Oct. In a plebiscite, votes are taken in an area on some special political matter unlike in an election where votes are cast in favor of specific persons for some office.

In other words, the electorate is asked to vote for or against issues, not Prostitutes Molave in a plebiscite. Even granting for the sake of argument that a doubt exists as to the constitutionality of the challenged provision, the doubt must be resolved in favor of its validity.

As this Court stated in Paredes, et al. Executive Secretary, et al. That which will save, not that which will destroy, commends itself for acceptance.

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After all, the basic presumption all these years is one of validity. The onerous task of Prostitutes Molave otherwise is on the party seeking to nullify a Prostitutes Molave. It must be proved by clear and convincing evidence that there is an infringement of a constitutional provision, save in those cases where the challenged act is void on its face. Absent such a showing, there can be no finding of unconstitutionality.

A doubt, even if well-founded, does not suffice. Justice Malcolm's aphorism is apropos: "To doubt is to sustain. The reason for this is that an act of the legislature approved by the executive is presumed to be within constitutional bounds. The responsibility of upholding the Constitution rests not only on the courts, but also on the legislature and the executive as well.

For the Court to strike our their Prostitutes Molave as Prostitutes Molave, nothing less than clear and convincing evidence of Prostitutes Molave breach of the Constitution must be shown. Petitioners have not acquitted themselves of that duty.

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The petitions then must be dismissed for lack of merit. I Prostitutes Molave state in language as simple as I can muster why I believe the challenged law is constitutional. Petitioners contend that the provision is void Prostitutes Molave it is violative of the freedoms of the press, speech and expression as guaranteed by Article III, Section 4 of the Constitution. But it is fundamental that these freedoms are not immune to regulation by the State in the legitimate exercise of its police power.

The concept of police power is well-established in this jurisdiction. It has been defined as the state authority to Prostitutes Molave legislation that may interfere with personal liberty or property in order to promote the general welfare.

I don't go to bars or look for prostitutes. I planned to go to Molave to visit a friend and as this city is in the middle of Mindanao I wanted to ask if. Killings - Topic - Digital Journal Prostitutes Al Miqdadiyah Sluts in Molave Prostitutes Philippines Prostitutes Molave.

It constitutes an implied limitation on the Bill of Rights. According to Fernando, it is "rooted in the conception that men in organizing the state and Prostitutes Molave upon its government limitations to safeguard constitutional rights did not intend thereby to enable and individual citizen or a group of citizens to obstruct unreasonably the enactment of such salutary measures calculated to ensure communal peace, safety, good order, and welfare.

Police power rests upon public necessity and upon the right of the State and of the public to self-protection. For this reason, it is co-extensive with Prostitutes Molave necessities of the case and Prostitutes Molave safeguards of public interest.

In Section 11 of R. Corollary to this, the legislature also recognizes the power Prostitutes Molave the Commission on Elections COMELEC to supervise or regulate the enjoyment or utilization of all franchises or permits for Prostitutes Molave operation of media of communication or information granted by the government or any subdivision, agency or instrumentality thereof. In Pablito V.

Sanidad vs. The Commission on Elections, 5 we held that the evil sought to be prevented by Art. IX-C, Section 4 of the Constitution is the possibility that a franchise holder may favor or give any undue advantage to a candidate in terms of advertising Prostitutes Molave or radio or television time. In Prostitutes Molave with the objective of providing equal opportunity to all candidates, the questioned provision is intended to act as an equalizer between the rich and poor candidates.

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As it is, the moneyed candidate has the funds to engage in a myriad of campaign activities. To allow the rich candidates to have free reign over the use of media for their campaign would result in an unfair advantage over the poor candidates who have no funds or have meager funds to secure print space and air time, and yet, they may be equally qualified and deserving candidates.

In Anacleto D. Badoy, Jr. Jaime N. In the same manner, Sec. Petitioners aver that by restoring to the print and broadcast media industry the right to sell print space or air time for campaign or other political purposes, access to print space and air Prostitutes Molave would be given equally to all candidates.

Hence, there would be in the final analysis, inequality. Furthermore, to tolerate even indirectly over-spending in print space or air time for campaign purposes will open the floodgates to corruption in public Prostitutes Molave because a winning candidate who overspends during the election period must Prostitutes Molave recover his campaign expenses by Prostitutes Molave or crook". Section 11 of R. Petitioners also contend that the challenged provision is "violative of the people's right to information particularly about the conduct of public officials including the character and qualifications of candidates seeking public office.

I do not adhere to Prostitutes Molave proposition that "the electorate will not have the opportunity for quality decision in expressing its mandate — no sufficient fora to detect and decide for themselves who, among the candidates truly deserve their votes. Aside from Sec. The electorate, in turn, are given opportunities to know the candidates and be informed of their qualifications and platforms.

As provided in Section 9 of R. Section Prostitutes Molave, on the other hand, allows the candidates the Prostitutes Molave of the designated common poster areas to post, display and exhibit election propaganda to announce or further their candidacy; Prostitutes Molave to mentioned the right to hold political caucuses. In short, the law Prostitutes Molave question Sec.

Act No. Based on all the foregoing consideration, I vote to sustain the validity and constitutionality of Section II of R. I am saddened by the readiness with which Congress, Comelec, and the members of this Court are willing to sacrifice not only that most precious clause of the Bill of Rights — freedom of speech Prostitutes Molave of the press — but also the right of every citizen to be informed in every way possible about the qualifications and programs Prostitutes Molave those running for public office.

Section 11 b of R. With elections fast approaching, the surveys show Prostitutes Molave almost half of the nation's voters are undecided as to the Presidency.

Certainly, they do not know who are running for the Senate. The implementation of Section 11 b will result in gross inequality. Prostitutes Molave cabinet member, an incumbent official, a movie star, a basketball player, or a conspicuous clown enjoys an unfair advantage over a candidate many times better qualified but lesser known. Mendoza, former Solicitor General and Governor; and Florangel Rosario Braid, member of the Constitutional Prostitutes Molave and distinguished mass communication personality to name only three are also Prostitutes Molave for the Senate.

We owe it to the masses to open all forms of communication to them during this Prostitutes Molave campaign period. A candidate to whom columnists and radio-television commentators owe past favors or who share their personal biases and convictions Prostitutes Molave get an undue amount of publicity. Those who incur Prostitutes Molave ire of opinion makers cannot counteract negative reporting by buying his own newspaper space or airtime for the airing of his refutations.

Comelec is already overburdened with the conduct of elections. Only recently it proved unequal to the task keeping registration lists clean and had to repeat the exercise in critical areas. It should now husband its resources for its real function — insuring the Prostitutes Molave of the voting process and safeguarding the true results of the elections. Why Comelec should also supervise the publicity campaigns of almost ,00 candidates running for 17, national and local positions is beyond my poor power to comprehend.

I reject the idea that canned publicity in a so-called Comelec hour or Comelec corner can replace the fresh, imaginative, and Prostitutes Molave appeal of advertisements espousing a cause or reaching a particular audience. It is particularly reprehensible because it is imposed during the limited period Prostitutes Molave the election campaign when information is most needed. Moreover, the mere thought that published materials are supervised by a government office is enough to turn the reader off.

Only faithful followers who already know for whom they are voting Prostitutes Molave bother to read the statements of their chosen candidate in the Comelec corner of Prostitutes Molave newspapers. The existing restrictions are more than sufficient. Political campaigns are allowed only within a limited period. The amount which a political party Prostitutes Molave candidate may spend is restricted. Added to the confines of the limited period and restricted expenses, the law now imposes a violation of the candidates' freedom of speech and the voters' freedom to know.

I concur fully in the views expressed by Mr. Justice Isagani A. Cruz in his usual eloquently brilliant style. We should not allow the basic freedom of expression to be sacrificed at the alter of infinitely lesser fears and concerns.

Under the clear and present danger rule not only must the danger be patently clear and pressingly present but the evil sought to be avoided must be so substantive as to justify a clamp Prostitutes Molave one's mouth or, a writing instrument to be stilled. In the precedent setting case of Gonzales v. The four 4 Justices who allowed the law to remain did so only because there were various safeguards and provisos. What of the social value and importance of the freedoms impaired by Section B?

The legislation strikes at the Prostitutes Molave basic political right of the citizens in a Prostitutes Molave system, which is the right actively to participate in the establishment or administration of government. This right finds expression in multiple forms but it certainly embraces that right to influence the shape of policy and law directly by the use of ballot.

It has been said so many times it scarcely needs to be said again, that the realization of the democratic ideal of self-government depends upon an informed and committed electorate. Prostitutes Molave can be accomplished only by allowing the fullest measure of freedom in the public discussion of candidates Prostitutes Molave the issues behind which they rally; to this end, all avenues of persuasion — speech, press, assembly, organization — must be kept always open.

It is in the context of the electoral process that these fundamental rights secured by the Constitution assume the highest social importance.

I, therefore, vote for the right to have the widest possible expression of ideas preparatory to the choice of the nation's leaders. I vote to declare the challenged legislation unconstitutional. It has become increasingly clear that the grandiose description of Prostitutes Molave Court as the bulwark of individual liberty is nothing more than an ironic euphemism.

In the decision it makes today, Prostitutes Molave majority has exalted authority over liberty in another obeisance to the police state, which we so despised during the days of martial law. I cannot share in the excuses of the Court because I Prostitutes Molave believe that the highest function of authority is to insure liberty. In sustaining Prostitutes Molave challenged law, the majority invokes the legislative goal, about which there can be no cavil.

May quarrel is with the way the objective is being pursued for I find the method a most indefensible repression.

It does little good, I should think, to invoke the regularity authority of the Commission on Elections, for that power is not a license to violate the Bill of Rights. The respondent, no less than the legislature that enacted Section 11 bis subject to the requirements of the police power which the Prostitutes Molave seems to disdain. It is true that a declaration of constitutionality must be reached only after the most careful deliberation as the Prostitutes Molave at is presumed to be valid in deference to the political Prostitutes Molave.

But not — and this represents a Prostitutes Molave exception — where Prostitutes Molave act is claimed to violate individual liberty, most importantly the freedom of Prostitutes Molave. In such a vital and exceptional case, as in the case now before us, I respectfully submit that the presumption must be reversed in favor of the challenge. Milton defined freedom of speech as "the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties. These rights include the equally important freedom of the press, the right of assembly Prostitutes Molave petition, the right to information on matters of public concern, the freedom of religion insofar Prostitutes Molave it Prostitutes Molave the Prostitutes Molave to Prostitutes Molave associations as an instrument for the ventilation of views bearing on the public welfare.

Wendell Philips offered his own reverence for freedom of expression when he called it "at Prostitutes Molave the instrument and the quaranty and the bright consummate flower of all liberty. And well they might, for this is truly the most cherished and vital of all individual liberties in the democratic milieu. It is no happenstance that it is this freedom that is first curtailed when the free society falls under a repressive regime, as demonstrated Prostitutes Molave the government take-over of the press, radio and television when martial law Prostitutes Molave declared in this country on that tragic day of September 21, The reason for this Prostitutes Molave is that freedom of expression is the sharpest and handiest weapon to blunt the edge of oppression.

No less significantly, it may be wielded by every citizen in the land, be he peasant or poet — and, regrettably, including the demagogue and the dolt — who has the will and the heart to use it. As an individual particle of sovereignty, to use Justice Laurel's words, every citizen has a right to offer his opinion and suggestions in the discussion of the problems confronting the community or the nation.

This is not only a right but a duty. From the mass of various and disparate ideas proposed, the people can, in their collective wisdom and after full deliberation, choose what Prostitutes Molave may consider the best remedies to the difficulties they face.

These may not turn out to Prostitutes Molave the best solutions, as we have learned often Prostitutes Molave from Prostitutes Molave bitter experience.

But the scope alone of the options, let alone the latitude with which they are considered, can insure a far better choice than that made by Prostitutes Molave heedless dictator in the narrow confines of his mind and the loneliness of his pinnacle of power. The citizen can articulate his views, for whatever they may be worth, through the many methods by which ideas are communicated from mind to mind.

Thus, he may speak or write or sing or dance, for all these are forms of expression protected by the Constitution. So is silence, which "persuades Prostitutes Molave speaking fails.

Social Justice is "neither communism, nor despotism, nor atomism, nor anarchy," but the humanization of laws and the equalization of social and economic forces by the State so that justice in its rational and objectively secular conception may at least be approximated.

The individual can convey his Prostitutes Molave in a poem or a novel or Prostitutes Molave tract or in a public speech or through a moving picture or a stage play.

In such diverse ways may he be heard. There is of course no guaranty that he will be heeded, for a acceptability will depend on the quilty of his thoughts and of his persona, as well as the mood and motivation of his audience. But whatever form Prostitutes Molave employs, he is entitled to the protection of the Constitution against any attempt to muzzle his thoughts. There is one especially significant way by which the citizen can express his views, and that is through the ballot. By the votes he casts, he is able to participate in Prostitutes Molave selection of the persons who shall serve as his representatives in the various elective offices in the government, from Prostitutes Molave highest position of President of the Philippines to that of the lowly member of the Sangguniang Barangay.

In the exercise of this right, he is free to choose whoever appeals to his intelligence or lack of itwhether it be a professional comedian or a pretentious moron or an unrepentant thief or any other candidate with no known distinction except Prostitutes Molave presumptuousness to seek elective office. Fortunately, there are also other candidates deserving of the support of the circumspect and thinking citizens who will use their suffrages conscientiously with only the public interest as their criterion and guide.

It is for the purpose of properly informing the electorate of the credentials and Prostitutes Molave of the candidates that they are allowed to campaign during the election period. Such campaign includes their personally visiting the voters in house-to-house sorties, calling on the telephone for their support, sending them letters of appeal, distributing self-serving leaflets extolling their virtues, giving away buttons and stickers and sample ballots and other compaign Prostitutes Molave, and holding caucuses, rallies, parades, public meetings and similar gatherings.

All these they are allowed to do in the specified places and at the proper time provided only that they do not exceed the maximum limit of election expenses prescribed by the Election Code at the rate of P1. It is curious, however, that such allowable campaign activities do not include the use of the mass media because of the prohibition in Section 11 b of Rep.

The candidate may employ letters or leaflets or billboards or placards or posters or meetings to reach the electorate, incurring for this purposes a not inconsiderable amount of his or his supporters' money. But he may not Prostitutes Molave for the same purpose periodicals, radio, television or other forms of mass communications, even for free.

Employment of these facilities is allowed only through the respondent Commission on Elections, which is directed by the Election Code to procure newspaper space and radio and television time to be distributed among the thousands of candidates vying throughout the land for the thousands of public offices to be filled in the coming elections. There are some students Prostitutes Molave the Constitution who believe that unlike the other liberties guaranteed in the Bill of Rights, the freedom of speech and of the press is absolute and not subject to any kind of regulation whatsoever.

No law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression or of the press, or the right Prostitutes Molave the people Prostitutes Molave to assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances. This Court does not accept this extreme theory for the liberty we recognize is not liberty untamed but liberty regulated by law.

The concept of absolute rights must be approached with Prostitutes Molave caution if not rejected outright. The better policy is to assume that every right, including even the freedom of expression, must be exercised Prostitutes Molave accordance with law and with due regard for the rights of others. In fact, Prostitutes Molave punishing crimes like slander and libel and inciting to sedition have never been seriously or successfully questioned. Contemptuous language is not allowed in judicial proceedings.

Obscenity is proscribed, as so are acts that wound religious sensibilities. Prostitutes Molave Court has regulated the exercise of the right to hold rallies and meetings, limiting them to certain places and hours and under specified conditions, in the interest of peace and security, public convenience, and in one case, even to prevent disturbance of the rites in Prostitutes Molave nearby church.

All this is not meant to suggest that every government regulation is a valid regulation. On the contrary, any attempt to restrict the exercise of a right must be Prostitutes Molave by the strict requisites of the valid exercise of the police power as established by this Court in Prostitutes Molave long line of decisions.

These requisites are: 1 the interests of the public generally as distinguished from those of a particular class require Prostitutes Molave exercise of the police power; and 2 the means employed are reasonably necessary to the accomplishment of the purpose sough to be achieved and not unduly oppressive Prostitutes Molave individuals. The lawful objective of Section 11 b may be readily conceded.

The announced purpose Prostitutes Molave the law is to prevent disparity between the rich and the poor candidates by denying both of them access to the mass media and thus preventing the former from enjoying an undue advantage over the latter. There is no question that this is a laudable goal.

Equality among the candidates in this regard should be assiduously pursued by the government if the aspirant with limited resources is to have any chance at all against an opulent opponent Prostitutes Molave will not hesitate to use his wealth to make up for his lack of competence.

But in constitutional law, the end does not justify the means. To pursue a lawful objective, only a lawful method may be employed even if it may not be the best among the suggested options. In my own view, the method here applied falls far short of the constitutional criterion.

I believe that the necessary reasonable link between the means employed and the purpose sought to be achieved has not been proved and that the method employed is unduly oppressive. The financial disparity among the candidates is a fact of life that cannot be corrected by legislation except only by the limitation of their respective expenses to a common maximum. The flaw in the prohibition under challenge is that while the rich candidate is Prostitutes Molave from buying mass media coverage, it nevertheless allows him to spend his funds on other campaign activities also inaccessible to his straitened rival.

Thus, the rich candidate may hold as many rallies and meetings as he may desire or Prostitutes Molave afford, using for Prostitutes Molave purpose the funds he would have spent for the prohibited mass media time and space. The number of these rallies and meetings, which Prostitutes Molave require tremendous expense, cannot be matched by the poor candidate, but the advantage of the rich candidate in this case is not similarly prohibited.

By the same token, the rich candidates may visit more houses, send more letters, make more telephone appeals, distribute more campaign materials, incurring for all these more expenses than Prostitutes Molave poor candidates can afford. But these advantages are allowed by the law because they do not involve the use of mass media space and time.

And what if the rich candidate pays P25, from his own funds to buy media advertising and the same amount is raised for the same purpose by supporters of the poor candidate contributing P each? Both transactions Prostitutes Molave be prohibited under the law although the rich candidates clearly has in this case Prostitutes Molave advantage over his adversary.

And what if a candidate is endorsed not in a paid advertisement or commercial but by a columnist or a radio commentator who is apparently expressing his own opinion without financial consideration or inducement?

This is not prohibited by Section 11 b simply because the endorsement Prostitutes Molave not appear to have been purchased by the candidates or given to him for free. The proposed distribution of COMELEC time and space is Prostitutes Molave workable, considering the tremendous number of candidates running all over the country for the offices of President of the Philippines, Vice-President, senators, representatives, provincial governors, vice-governors, provincial board members, Prostitutes Molave mayors, vice-mayors and councilors, and municipal mayors, vice-mayors and councilors.

Allocation of equal time and space among the candidates would involve administrative work of unmanageable proportions, and the possibility as well of unequal distribution, whether deliberate or unintentional, that might create more serious problems than the problem at hand. It is indeed the settled rule that questions regarding the necessity or wisdom of the law are Prostitutes Molave the legislature to resolve and its resolution may not be reviewed by the courts of Prostitutes Molave.

In the case of the police power, however, it Prostitutes Molave required that there be a plausible nexus between the method employed and the purpose sought to Prostitutes Molave achieved, and determination of this link involves a judicial inquiry into the reasonableness of the challenged measure. It is true, as remarked by Justice Holmes, that a law has Prostitutes Molave all it can if it has done all it should, but this is on the assumption that what the law has done was valid to begin with.

The trouble with the challenged law is that it has exceeded what it should have done, thereby becoming both inefficacious and arbitrary. Prostitutea Arsenals showpiece was the station headquarters, which was a one-storey building Prostitutes molave and narra woods.

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It is true that a declaration of constitutionality must be reached only after the most careful deliberation as the challenged at is presumed to be valid in deference to the political departments. That the statutory mechanism which Section 11 b brings into operation is designed and may be expected to bring about or promote equal opportunity, and equal time and space, for political candidates to inform all and sundry about themselves, cannot be gainsaid.

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